
There is something slightly disturbing about Italy at the present time. Take a few seconds to mull over the following few points. The current government headed by populist PM Silvio Berlusconi contains a number of neo-fascist figures, such as Gianfranco Fini and Allesandra Mussolini. Gianni Alemanno, a man with a long history of participation in the far right, was elected mayor of Rome last year much to the joy of a skinhead crowd who greeted him with Nazi salutes and referred to their new man as ‘duce’. That great love of all Italians, football, is plagued by the growth of fascism both on and off the pitch. Perhaps most frightening of all is the emergence of a bizarre paramilitary force calling itself the Italian National Guard which patrols streets wearing uniforms that would not have looked out of place in the same country in the 1930s. Even more astounding is the fact that this militia is being tolerated by the government. Of course, one would think that rising fascism combined with the worst recession since the first half of the 20th century would have provoked a firm response from the left. Wouldn’t you? Not exactly.
Yascha Mounk’s
article from the current issue of Dissent makes for interesting reading if you are in any way concerned about the state of the left, not just in Italy, but across the continent. While the primary focus of the piece is on the Italian opposition’s dismal failure to rid the country of Berlusconi, it also carries within it a warning for the rest of us in Europe. Much of it I was nodding in agreement with, not least the piece where Mounk speaks of the left struggling to retain a sense of purpose (“self-satisfied about a Pyrrhic victory in the cultural field, yet lacking a popularly appealing economic program”). However, one particular point on which I would take issue with Mounk is his assertion that "the only left-wing party in Italy worth taking seriously today is the PD."
Granted, there are not all that many parties on Italy’s depressingly fragmented left worth taking seriously yet can this mixed bag of a party even be called ‘left wing’? I don’t think so. The PD is a strange creature; a broad based coalition of people whose only common ground at times seems to be a shared loathing of the present Prime Minister. The party was formed two years ago by the welding together of a plethora of various organisations ranging from social democrats to regionalists to former communists to moderate Christian democrats.
My problem with the Democratic Party is the extent to which it has stretched itself to win new supporters in the belief that a massive drift rightwards is what is required to oust the present administration. In moving right it may have won over some centrist and liberal elements and hoovered up some smaller parties but it also in turn lost the support of traditional democratic socialists like Fabio Mussi, now leader of the newly formed Democratic Left, and the group around Enrico Boselli and Riccardo Nencini which also opted out of joining the PD to set up the Socialist Party. These men were hardly unruly Trotskyists like the Militant faction in the British Labour Party in the 1980s and Walter Veltroni’s failure to carry them with him in his great ‘Obamaesque’ project says more about the PD than it does about them.
The Democratic Party also lacks a recognisable left wing identity. Since the birth of the party in 2007 there has been a large amount of infighting taking place around the issue of which organisations they forge links with in other countries. The PD is not, for example, a member of the Socialist International. Neither is it a member of the Party of European Socialists. If it were a genuine party of the centre left joining these two institutions would not be a bone of contention but for the PD it has been, with one faction even pushing for membership of the
European Democratic Party (which has amongst its affiliates the conservative Basque Nationalist Party).
The practicalities of political life have also been problematic for the PD. While working together in broad based electoral fronts like Romano Prodi’s Olive Tree coalition was one thing, fusing all of these sects together into one party and getting down to the hard slog of day to day work is a different thing altogether. The problems of having a membership with such a diverse range of backgrounds and political traditions is highlighted by Mounk in his
Dissent article:
... The PD, mostly to cover up its internal divisions, continues to copy Berlusconi’s pleasant-sounding, content-free generalities. The party program on the PD website is full of well-intentioned wishes for “safer schools” or “to protect and value the Italian cultural and artistic heritage,” but sparse on details and lacking in overall vision. Posters that the PD plastered all over Rome at the time of the conflict in Gaza sum this up perfectly. They lamely read, “War in Palestine: Try for Peace.”
I am not suggesting that the Democratic Party would be better off retreating into a cul-de-sac in which they adhere to some strictly defined dogma condemning them to a life of eternal opposition, but then this is not a straight choice between being dogmatic and operating a party which has no principles bar that of getting the present government out of power. Any part of the progressive left with serious ambitions about taking power needs the right mix of principles and pragmatism in order to attract the support of the masses. This is not the sort of ground that the Democratic Party currently occupies.
What Italy needs at the present time is, ironically, the exact same thing that Northern Ireland also requires: a proper left of centre democratic socialist party. That a country with such a deep rooted socialist tradition cannot assemble such a vehicle at the present time is staggering. The two Italian organisations currently affiliated to the Socialist International – the Socialist Party and Democratic Left – may be sound enough when it comes to policy but in truth they are not so much political parties as they are small factions of the old PDS/DS that refused to go along with the vacuous Veltroni project and therefore the potential of any of these parties to develop into something along the lines of the Labour Party in Britain, the PSOE in Spain or PASOK in Greece is highly unlikely.
Thankfully there is a glimmer hope that some realignment may be taking place to help fill the gap between the Democratic Party and the myriad of hard left sects. During the European elections in June the Socialist Party and Democratic Left came together with the Greens and two other smaller radical groupings to form the Left and Freedom list. They gained almost one million votes nationally and fell just short of the 4% threshold required to take a seat. While this was not the sort of result to give Signor Berlusconi sleepless nights it did at least show that, even while the centre left is fragmented and disorganised, there remains a sizeable base of support out there for that brand of politics. Since the Euro elections the organisations involved in Sinistra e Libertà have been exploring the possibility of transforming this electoral front into a united centre left political party. Unfortunately not everyone has turned out to be so enthusiastic for this new realignment. A
disgruntled Bobo Craxi has departed to set up yet another separate organisation, the misleadingly named United Socialists. So be it. The important thing is that there is now a realignment taking place that should bring together a number of smaller parties that in truth should never really have been apart in the first place.
A long struggle lies ahead for those attempting to rebuild Italian social democracy. Beginning all over again is hardly desirable but when the alternative on offer is power without either principles or a clearly defined political philosophy to help guide you then sometimes square one is not that bad a place to find yourself.